Jewish and Zionist youth movements were established and developed in Morocco between 1944 and 1964. Their membership numbered thousands of youths as young as 8-10 and up to the age of 22-25. This study deals with the size, variety, communal status, uniqueness and historical importance of the youth movements, both in relation to the young people who were educated in them and in relation to the Jewish community in Morocco during this crucial period and their influence on the emigration of Jews from Morocco and their aliya to Israel. The study concerns only Jewish and Zionist youth movements.
The Beginnings of Youth Movements
The study surveys the beginning of the classical youth movements, the background to their rise and their methods of operation: the Wonder Vogel ("Wandering Bird") in Germany, the Scouts in England under the inspiration and organization of Baden Powell. Both were unique historical occurrences in the beginning of the twentieth century.
The Zionist movements in Central and Eastern Europe were influenced by both of those movements, by the rebelliousness of the German one and the scouting ethos of Baden Powell's movement. However they responded, naturally, to the needs of Jewish youth in their communities.
According to Zvi Lamm those movements "could grant young people in generations of disgust and anxiety, a feeling of significance and direction in their lives, a feeling of meaning and value, at a time when it seemed that life had no purpose or value."
The study surveys briefly studies on both general and Jewish youth movements, using a triple approach integrating psychological, sociological and historical understanding.
On Jewish Youth Movements in Morocco
Two main but different periods during which the youth movements developed and operated in Morocco are discernible.
The first period began in 1944. In that year the first movement was established, "Bilu" as part of the French scout movement (Eclaireurs Israélites de France = E.I.F.) and it continued to operate until the Morocco declared independence in March 1956.
The second period began in 1956 and ended with "Operation Yachin" in 1964, and during this time most of the movements operated underground, with all the ramifications of that situation.
In the first period (1944-1956) the youth movements were founded, i.e. the scout movements: E.D.F., E.I.F., F.F.E. (see below) and the Département Educatif de la Jeunesse Juive (D.E.J.J.) and the six pioneering Zionist movements: Habonim, Dror, Hashomer Hatzair, Hanoar Hatzioni, Bnei Akiva and Betar. All of the movements operated more or less according to the model of youth movements, i.e. following the traditions of the European scout movements on the one hand and that of the Jewish youth movements in Central and Eastern Europe on the other. Nevertheless they maintained a special flavor of Eretz Israel in their activities.
The study proposes definitions and criteria for youth movements, distinguishing them from youth organizations and various kinds of youth clubs.
These youth movements were multi-aged. Children aged 10-12 till young people aged 22-25 took part in them. They had continuous activity according to age groups. The leadership was autonomous and the young counselors were the youth themselves. The educational programs were comprehensive and influenced every aspect of the lives of the membership. The activities were adapted to each age group using indirect educational methods, special symbols and slogans and defined ideological and educational goals.
The scouting movements preceded the Zionist movements and were encouraged by the parents, the Jewish community and the Alliance schools. The French authorities, which at first looked askance at the Jewish youth movements, supported the communal scout movements and eventually regarded them as positive frameworks that contributed to shaping Jewish youth, while brining them closer to French culture and keeping them away from any elements that were inimical towards the French colonial presence.
The Jewish Scout Movement, as mentioned above, preceded the arrival of Zionist emissaries in Morocco and operated independently on a local basis, under the auspices of the French scout movement. It appeared on the scene in nearly every place where an Alliance school operated and with its support. The Jewish Scout Movement was the largest of all the Jewish youth movements in Morocco. It also conducted the social-educational activity of the D.E.J.J.
The pioneering Zionist movements started to operate later. Just before the declaration of Israeli independence and immediately after the establishment of the State of Israel all of the settling and political movements, supported and funded by the Youth and Hehalutz Department of the Jewish Agency, sent emissaries to encourage the establishment of Zionist and pioneering youth movements in Morocco, some of them related to the movements in France or other countries in North Africa. In this way the Habonim Movement was established under the name Ihud Hanoar Hehalutzi and affiliated with Ihud Hakevutzot Vehakibbutzim; The Dror Movement, affiliated with Hakibbutz Hameuhad; Hashomer Hatzair with Hakibbutz Haartzi; Bnei Akiva with the religious kibbutz movement; Hanoar Hatzioni affiliated with the kibbutzim of "Ha'oved Hatzioni" and the Progressive Party. Efforts were also made by the Betar Movement of the revisionist party Herut, which was active for many years and formed a large and strong movement in Tunisia, but was unsuccessful to develop a genuine youth movement and strike deep roots in Morocco.
The pioneering youth movements partially aroused opposition among the rabbis, the parents and the communal leadership, all of which regarded them as a fermenting element both internally and externally that might complicate the relations of the established community with the French authorities. The Zionist youth movements were never recognized formally by the authorities, but they operated by virtue of the authorities having turned a "blind eye" towards them.
The Zionist movements acted among Jewish youth in a double fashion. On the one hand they wanted to set up "nuclei for aliya" as quickly as possible. These were expected to achieve self-fulfillment by joining kibbutzim that were badly in need of additional hands. They were supported in this by the political parties that competed over every additional vote among the "potential voters" before their aliya. On the other hand, they succeeded more or less in forming classical educational youth movements, which would continue the tradition of movements in Eastern Europe and in the West. Although most of the pupils in these movements came from the Alliance schools, the Alliance administration and school principals closed their gates before the activity of the Zionist youth movements.
The heads of the Alliance were aware of the extent and results of the Shoah in Europe, and were also witness to the great excitement on the Jewish street over the establishment of the State of Israel. Nevertheless, they continued to strive as an educational system to advance Jewish youth in Morocco, to inculcate French education and culture in order to lead it to integration in its country of residence, Morocco, with improved cultural and technological skills.
In these years (1944-1956) the youth movements developed rapidly also numerically. At their height (1953-1955) they numbered between seven and eight thousand members, more than 60% of them in community movements. Many times competition developed between the movements, sometimes tough competition, which led to a tendency to focus on internal activity and less on inter-mural cooperation. An accelerated process of aggressive politicization of the parties in Eretz Israel and in the State of Israel influenced the relations between the pioneering movements themselves, their relations with the community movements that preceded them and between them and both the community and the authorities.
Most of the members of the youth movements were students in the Alliance schools and in French-speaking lycées. The activity of the youth movements centered mainly on the larger and middle size cities, where there were Alliance schools (85% of the Jews of Morocco lived in these cities). However in these communities most of the members of the youth movements belonged to families from the middle and lower-middle class. The children from the lower classes and the poor lived primarily in predominately Jewish neighborhoods – the mellah. Most of these children learned in heder or in orthodox religious schools and only a few of them in Alliance schools. Some of these youths received concentrated and comprehensive treatment with the establishment of Unites Populaires (U.P.), which was initiated by the Scout movement (E.I.F.) and in the framework of the D.E.J.J., which began as an educational division of the "Charles Netter" organization. More than 7000 children took part each year in activities of the U.P., including field trips and summer camps. This activity was also supported by the Joint Distribution Committee (J.D.C.) Morocco. The communal movements, which did not educate towards aliya and Zionist fulfillment, encouraged their graduates to take upon themselves this extensive social-educational project, relying on the educational framework of the Jewish scout movements.
The second period(1956-1964) was characterized by the fact that the independent Moroccan government, which was Muslim-Arab, quickly banned all Zionist activity, closed the offices of "Kadima", which had dealt with aliya during the French period with the approval of the authorities, and ordered the emissaries from Israel, who operated in the spheres of aliya, education and youth movements, to leave Morocco.
In this situation the pioneering Zionist movements began to operate underground. They accepted youth only from the age of 17 and older, "who could maintain secrecy," cooperation between the movements was impossible, they had no large and open clubhouses, but only meetings in small, hidden rooms. They operated only in small, separate groups and not in a broad manner that might endanger the participants and their parents. They could not use identifying symbols, uniforms, insignia, flags or parades that are so essential for creating a feeling of belonging. Classical educational processes were disrupted entirely and instead they provided tools for underground operation and self defense, strengthening Zionist consciousness and assistance to the illegal aliya activity carried out by the "Misgeret" (the code name given to the activity of the Mossad for Aliya Bet in Morocco).
In this second period the pioneering Zionist movements operated in a limited form, without younger levels and without a continuous educational process, but only two or three years of activity at the most before aliya. The emissaries of the movements operated underground. They were in contact with only a few older members, who organized the movements, while most of the membership did not even know the emissaries were there. These emissaries, despite their party affiliation, were entirely subservient to the instructions given them by the Mossad and the commanders of the Misgeret. The duration of their service in Morocco was brief and depended exclusively on considerations of security.
At this time the pioneering-Zionist movements cooperated and had only one coordinated leadership. Nevertheless each movement maintained its uniqueness and ideals, training its membership, organizing groups for aliya and sending them to training camps for aliya in France and in Israel according to the settlement stream to which they belonged. The Betar movement ceased is activities because it did not have an emissary and did not belong to "Ballet" (the code of illegal organizational framework of youth movements in Morocco).
The communal movements, however, continued their educational and social activity much as before. Before the declaration of Moroccan independence the scout movement changed its name from E.I.F. (Eclaireurs Israélites de France) to E.I.M. (Eclaireurs Israélites au Maroc).
The D.E.J.J. also continued its operation, particularly in the social area, among the Unites Populaires, setting up additional social and educational frameworks under the leadership of graduates and heads of the E.I.F.
Thanks to its experience and the high quality of its scouting activity the Jewish Scout Movement had great influence on the Moroccan Scout Movement, and it took part together with Arab scouts, after Moroccan independence, in large scale "national" gatherings, including a particularly large conference in the presence of Crown Prince Moulay Hassan, who was the head of the Moroccan Scout Movement.
At the same time some of the heads of the scout movement and its active leaders were drafted personally to tasks of the Misgeret, but without any connection to the activity of the pioneering movements.
This study will consider the extent, the status, the ideological character and the influence of these movements on the Jewish communities of Morocco and on their members. Each movement had its own approach towards issues of religion and tradition, aliya and Zionist fulfillment, which were the decisive areas of distinction between them. The attitude towards the community, the French authorities, the Moroccan administration (the " Makhzen"),and the Moroccan Arab environment determined the success of these movements and the degree to which they were able to penetrate various classes of the Jewish population of Morocco and influence their emigration and/or aliya.
Youth and Adult Organizations
This study does not include organizations and institutions that worked in the Jewish community and among youth before the youth movements were established. These frameworks reflected primarily the new needs of learning youth, graduates of the Alliance schools, who were educated in French and on the basis of French culture, but who felt a need, together with their eagerness for "modernity," to preserve their Jewish identity and their ethno-national uniqueness.
These organizations played a key role in consolidating Jewish-Hebrew identity, including the study of Modern Hebrew and taking an interest in processes that the Jewish People underwent throughout the world and particularly in Eretz Israel. They operated in the fields of sports, culture, mutual aid, supplementary education and professional training. After World War II they numbered thousands of young people aged 16-40 and provided them a framework outside the traditional community and an opportunity to express the new trends within Moroccan Jewry. They were the fertile ground upon which the youth movements were to spring.
These are some of the organizations and frameworks:
t;Association des Anciens elèves de l'Alliance Israèlite Universelle – A.A.E.A.I.U.
The graduates of the first classes of the Alliance school established this organization. The first branch was set up in Tangiers in 1893. In 1932 the organization opened a club in Casablanca and encouraged setting up branches in most of the cities of Morocco. They operated as a federation and developed frameworks for cultural activity and enrichment classes.
Association de la Jeunesse Juive "Charles Netter"
This organization received a legal permit to operate in 1929 on the basis of a constitution for cultural, physical, spiritual and moral advancement of the community and its young people, while abiding the law and expressing loyalty to the state. It played a decisive role in consolidating the groups that sought to integrate modernity with Jewish tradition and Jewish communal identity. It was active among the young people in the community in the areas of sports, in all their aspects, enrichment classes in culture and Judaism, teaching Modern Hebrew and professional training.
The "Charles Netter" Association published a monthly journal No'ar between 1945 and 1952, except for a break from July 1948 to April 1949. The journal expressed the Zionist attitude of the association, including harsh criticism of communal institutions for their lack of activity in social, educational areas and in problems of housing and health.
The "Charles Netter" Association encouraged young people to take part in Zionist social action among the children in the mellah, providing education in Hebrew, sports, nationalism and pioneering. The Trumpeldor group functioned as a second section of Association "Charles Netter" in the mellah of Casablanca.
Association Maguen David
This organization was founded in 1920 in order to disseminate Hebrew language and culture.
It was headed by S.D. Levy, who also served as the chairman of Jewish National Fund in Morocco and led the delegation to the conference in Atlantic City in 1944. The Maguen David Association brought about the founding of the Hebrew teachers' school (Ecole Normale Hebraique – E.N.H.) which was run by the heads of the Alliance and provided many young teachers who taught Hebrew in the Alliance schools.
Association "Ben Yehudah" The Ben Yehudah association comprised a group of militant, Zionist young people. Its members were active earlier in "Maguen David."Their Zionist activism alienated them from "Maguen David" and they were adopted as an autonomous group within the "Charles Netter" Association, where they developed pioneering Zionist activity.
Hovevei Hasafa ("Lovers of the Language")
This organization had one goal – learning the Hebrew language and disseminating it. It was comprised mainly of religious youth.
The extensive activity of these organizations and institutions, in addition to the activity of the Zionist Federation in Morocco, created commotion among the Jews of Morocco, who often criticized the official institutions of the community and accused them of passivity and giving in to the French administration.
The questions that will be examined in this study are:
1. What is unique about the Jewish youth movements in Morocco and what was the background of their inception?
2. What were the extent, ideological variety, social basis, educational framework, social status and influence of Jewish youth movements in Morocco between 1945 and 1964?
3. What was the attitude of the French regime in Morocco towards the activity of the Jewish youth movements? What helped them or handicapped them? Was the attitude uniform towards all the movements?
4. How did encounter between the movements affect their educational processes, their understanding of religion and community and their position towards Zionism and Zionist fulfillment?
5. Did the activity of the Zionist and communal youth movements influence the emigration and aliya of Moroccan Jewry? Was the massive aliya of Moroccan Jewry between 1944 and 1956 influenced by the activity of the youth movements? 6. Is there an additional explanation for the fact that nearly 80% of the Jews of Morocco made aliya as opposed to 45% of the Jews of Tunisia and only 20% of the Jews of Algeria?
7. What is the extent and the nature of aliya and Zionist fulfillment among graduates of the youth movements within the framework of aliya in general?
8. What was the actual significance and influence of the emissaries from Eretz Israel who were active in the Jewish youth movements in Morocco? What were their relations with the local leadership of the movements?
The General Background
After World War II the Jews of Morocco numbered approximately 230,000. In this study the demographic situation is taken into account, including processes of urbanization, i.e. migration from villages in the southern part of the country to the major cities, mainly Casablanca, in which 47% of the Jews were concentrated in 1951.
The study addresses Jewish youth who studied in the Alliance schools, the legal status of Moroccan Jewry, which despite the French Protectorate (since 1912) were still subject to the local Mahsan as "natives." The French presence and French education in the Alliance schools, and in particular the young people among them, presented them the challenges of modernity, including its ramifications on communal life, family authority and the weakening of the traditional life that had characterized the Jews of Morocco. Disappointment with France, which implemented the Vichy laws in Morocco during World War II, the founding and development of the national movement in Morocco and the struggle to found a Jewish State in Palestine, led the best of the Jewish youth in Morocco to seek ways to define their religious and national identity.
THE JEWISH YOUTH MOVEMENTS IN MOROCCO
Between 1944 and 1956
The main part of the study provides a factual basis regarding each movement, relations between them, their development and uniqueness.
The Communal Scout Movements were active in Morocco and they included more than 60% of the youth who took part in Jewish youth movements.
The first youth movement established in Morocco that functioned as a Jewish youth movement was the Jewish Scouts movement, founded in February 1944, in the framework of the "Charles Netter" Association. It called itself "Bilu", which expressed its desire, in addition to being a communal scout movement, to identify with the Jewish National Movement.
The French authorities in Morocco refused to allow Jewish youth movements to operate autonomously. They feared their possible influence on Muslim Moroccan society, which might have followed their example and used the autonomy to create a national movement that would try to end the French protectorate and the declaration of Morocco as an independent state.
On the other hand, the French encouraged the Jews and Muslims to operate within the framework of the French Scout Movement in order to inculcate them with French culture. In this way Jewish groups were formed within the E.D.F. and groups for girls within the F.F.E. Over time the "Bilu" association developed, scout groups were established in additional cities in Morocco, and the Federation of these groups was recognized in 1949 as a branch of the E.I.F. (the Jewish Scout Movement of France).
This study examines the development of the E.I.F. in Morocco, its components, its uniqueness in combining scouting and traditional religious elements and the efforts invested to resist the influence of the pioneering movements that also started to operate in Morocco.
Thanks to the work of Edgar Guedj and his charismatic educational personality, his professional scouting ability and his organizational and administrative skills, the Jewish scout movement in Morocco became the central and largest movement.
Leaders and graduates of the Scouts, who observed the misery of the Jewish youth who lived in poverty in the mellah, and some of whom did not go to school, volunteered for the educational and social mission to work with that youth and improve the living conditions. They set up the Unions Populaires (U.P.) as an educational framework for that youth, taking them out on nature trips, to camps, improving their level of health and their intellectual abilities. This special project included thousands of young people and presented the graduates of the Scouts a highly valuable social challenge, which conflicted with self-fulfillment, aliya to Israel and kibbutz life, the process that was the guiding light for the graduates of the pioneering youth movements.
The Pioneering Zionist Movements. Six pioneering-Zionist youth movements operated in Morocco:
Habonim – The Union of Pioneering youth. The movement that was affiliated with the Ihud (union of kibbutzim of the Mapai Party).
Dror – affiliated the Kibbutz Hameuhad and Ahdut Avoda Party.
Hashomer Hatzair – affiliated with the Kibbutz Haartzi and the Mapam Party.
Hanoar Hatzioni – affiliated with Ha'oved Hatzioni and the Progressive Party in Israel headed by Moshe Kol.
Bnei Akiva – affiliated with the religious kibbutz movement and the Po'el Hamizrahi Party.
Betar – affiliated with the Betar movement and the Herut Party in Israel.
Each movement had its own character. Each one developed in its own way, grew or declined at different times and implemented its educational program following its own ideology. Every movement had a number of relations: (1) Relations with the community, which included influence on the members, their families and the rabbinical and communal establishment. (2) The attitude of the local French administration to the various movements and towards the influence of their operation. (3) Relations between the movements themselves. (4) The activity of emissaries from Eretz Israel and their relations with the local leadership of the movements. (5) Relations with the Zionist movements and their attitudes towards aliya, self-fulfillment and social issues that characterized Moroccan Jewry at that time.
Operation in Underground Conditions 1956-1964
If during the first period (1944-1956) the youth movements numbered thousands of young people, during the second period (1956-1964) membership in the pioneering movements dwindled to hundreds. During this period only the older members were active (from 16 and a half to 22-23) and without clubs. They were organized into small and separate units, unable to organize camps or seminars and without the formative atmosphere of movement activity. Graduates of the movements were integrated into the operation of the Misgeret (The Mossad for Aliya Bet) and made a significant contribution to the illegal aliya frameworks. The various movements continued their independent activity, particularly organizing groups for settlement in Israel. Each movement sent its members to the settlement stream with which it was affiliated. Only Betar, which was a small movement in the first period, ceased activity after Morocco received independence. Graduates of the movement were integrated into the "self-defense" frameworks that operated in Morocco.
There is no doubt that the activities of the youth movements in Morocco during this time were significant and even decisive for the continuation of aliya of Jews from Morocco. The Scouts and the D.E.J.J. continued their activity legally in independent Morocco and even expanded their numbers and increased their influence.
In addition to the detailed chronological discussion, by which the movements were described, certain issues were examined that applied to all of the movements.
Youth Movements in Morocco as a Unique Social Phenomenon
Youth movements developed against a background discussed in this study and as a result of dilemmas faced by youth who sought to solve them. These processes occurred in Morocco in general, and in the Jewish community in particular, in a relatively short length of time. The speed of linguistic, professional, economic, cultural social, political, national and administrative changes influenced the way Jewish society in Morocco responded to them, the form of activity of its young people and the creation of Jewish and Zionist youth movements in Morocco.
1. The Influence of External Factors
1.1 The Involvement of the Department for Youth and Hehalutz in the Jewish Agency
The Jewish Agency, and in particular the Department for Youth and Hehalutz, which coordinated the frameworks for informal education in the Diaspora, were involved and significantly influenced the activity of the youth movements, including budgeting, emissaries, leadership training and the Institute for Leadership Training from Abroad.
1.2 Emissaries to the Youth Movements in Morocco vis à vis Local Leadership
A special section in the study deals with the institution of movement emissaries and the activity of the emissaries in the youth movements in Morocco. The extent of the phenomenon of emissaries and its limitations are examined and likewise the unsuitability of some of the emissaries for the educational mission on which they were sent. The local leadership, including graduates of the Institute for Leadership Training from Abroad, had a central role in movement activity, but that does not find its expression in the reports of the emissaries, since they stressed their own contribution. It is important to point out that the Scout movement was established and developed in Morocco before the emissaries came, without their presence or involvement. In the pioneering movements their influence varied from movement to movement, but in general their influence was not critical.
1.3 A Continuous Educational Process as Opposed to the Needs of Aliya and Self-Fulfillment
After their establishment a great deal of time was needed for both the general and Jewish youth movements in Europe to formulate their educational frameworks. Creating a movement atmosphere and a special framework of symbols required lengthy processes of training leaders and developing leadership from within the movement. The historical reality in Morocco in this period and the short time allowed for their semi-legal activity did not allow, particularly, the pioneering movements to bring the educational process to maturity. Likewise, the perpetual pressure of the settlement organizations in Eretz Israel on the youth movements in Morocco to provide immediately young manpower to reinforce and in some cases even to save failing kibbutzim forced the movements, encouraged by the emissaries, to organize, often with haste, groups of young people, graduates of the movements and their leaders as well as some young people from outside the movements ("plain halutzim") as groups for aliya. These young people were often the promised leadership of the movements, who conducted the training courses of the movements in France. This parallel activity weakened the educational framework of the movements and reduced the leadership manpower available to them. This situation prevented some of the movements from expanding, to conduct a continuous educational process and to entrench movement traditions and experience that were so essential for the growth of youth movements.
The Scout movement and the educational frameworks of the D.E.J.J. did not demand aliya or self-fulfillment. Thus they retained their cadre of a broad class of leaders who enabled the movement to expand, develop and reinforce the traditional movement atmosphere. The "Unions Populaires" project provided the Scout movement with a way of retaining its graduates and offering them a social-educational challenge that suited the needs of the community and the needs of the graduates.
2. The Jewish Scout Movement vis à vis the Pioneering Movements in Morocco
In addition to the essential difference between the movements, the study examines ramifications of the relations that developed between the larger and more veteran Scout movement and the pioneering movements and the activity of the emissaries from Israel.
When the Jewish Scout movement was established in Morocco, before the establishment of the State of Israel and without the involvement of emissaries from Israel, it adopted symbols and Zionist content that supplemented the scouting symbols and contents, including names with Zionist meaning given to various troupes: Bilu, Herzl, Bialik etc. When the pioneering movements were established, some of the emissaries tried to penetrate the Scout movement and get it to subscribe to the political-ideological line of the movements that sent them.
Moreover the emissaries tried to attract Scout leaders and graduates of the Scouts, offering them the challenges of aliya, building Israel and kibbutz life. The leadership of the Scout movement responded by sharpening the distinctions between the Scouts and the pioneering movements, blunting the Zionist content in their teaching and reducing the pressure of the emissaries towards aliya. It stressed the scouting aspects and the traditional religious contents, which enabled it to continue to function autonomously in independent Morocco. It took advantage of the support that the parents gave to this line and achieved the approval of communal leaders and rabbis as well as the authorities. This reality led the movement to provide its graduates with a social-educational challenge and to encourage them to continue serving their community and to respond to the needs of the children in the mellah.
2.1 Jewish Youth Movements in their Environment in Morocco and Afterwards in Israel
The study examines the relations of the Jewish youth movements in Morocco, mainly the pioneering movements, to their Moroccan surroundings. It also discusses the relations of its graduates to their surrounding in Israel after they made aliya.
The youth movements formed a variety of relations: with Jewish communities in which they operated, with the administration of the French protectorate, with the surrounding Muslim Moroccan society and with the Moroccan National Movement. The methods of operation of the movements led to a degree of disruption with their surrounding and to their operating in isolation.
With the aliya of the graduates of these movements to Israel the question that must be asked is to where did they "disappear"? What was their attitude towards the mass aliya from Morocco which took place at the same time as the aliya of the graduates? What was their influence, if at all, on aliya from Morocco in general? A careful examination of the processes of the aliya, mainly within the kibbutz movements, revealed their isolation from general Israeli society on the one hand, and from the problems of absorption which most immigrants from Morocco faced on the other. Only much later, after completing their own personal and familial absorption process, would they "discover their community" in Israel, the conditions in which it lived, its social, economic, educational and cultural problems. This double loss of being cut off from their surroundings in Morocco and in Israel affected the continuation of their activity in Israel.
Survey of Graduates
In 2008 there was an international congress of graduates of youth movements in Morocco. In the framework of this congress a survey was conducted among graduates living in Israel and abroad, examining how the youth movements to which they belonged in Morocco influenced their decision to immigrate to Israel and the formation of their values. The results of the survey are presented at the end of this study.